Times have changed. No longer do we have so many beggars from the Cordillera in the streets of Metro Manila. But that was not the case not so long ago. Up until the end of the millennium, it was not uncommon to chance upon a group of Igorots asking pedestrians and motorists for handouts in Baguio City and Metro Manila specially during the Holiday Season. Most of them were women, most of them were aging, and most were from Mountain Province.

There are many stories about these beggars, and these stories may or may not be true. What is true is that indeed Mountain Province once had the distinction of being the source of these resourceful persons who made a livelihood of begging.

I heard from others of such a story. Whether or not the story is true in its entirety or was embossed in the telling, or whether it is altogether the fabrication of an imaginative mind, is irrelevant. If it is not true, then it shall be added to the many urban legends about the people of Mountain Province. True or not, accurate or not, the story, and others like it, just reflect the reality of what once was at a time that seems so long ago but nonetheless fairly recent.

And so it was that in the late 90s, there was such a group plying their “trade” in Quezon City.

And so it was that the Congressman of Mountain Province at that time, the late Victor Dominguez, was in a convoy of cars with his staff and some local government officials visiting the nation’s capital.

Somewhere along the long stretch of Quezon Avenue in Quezon City, Dominguez, who was in the lead car, saw such a group of women actively asking pedestrians and motorists for alms. He asked the driver to stop and the driver obliged. Of course the other cars in the convoy also stopped, and everybody was wondering why the Congressman’s car stopped.

According to the story, the Congressman told his staff to get the straw hats (silag) of the women.

Those in the other cars saw the Congressman’s bodyguard, secretary and assistant getting out of the lead car. Of course, out of concern, others in the cars following also got out.

The bodyguard, secretary and assistant approached the women on the sidewalk.

The women, probably thinking that the ones approaching them were cops, started running in different directions. The Congressman’s men run after them. Without thinking, the passengers of the other cars followed suit.

And so it was that there was these group of about five Igorot women being pursued by Igorot men in the streets of Metro Manila. Eventually, the men caught up with the women. After the pursuers explained that they were not cops, the women were placated. However, when the pursuers asked for their hats, they refused to give these, saying that it was a hot day, and they needed the hats to shield their heads and faces from the sweltering sun.

The pursuers continued to demand the hats, and the women continued to refuse to give in. After a heated and extended conversation, the assistant went back to the Congressman to report. The Congressman told him that they must get the hats at all cost, and if necessary, they should buy it from the women. The Congressman pulled out his wallet and gave the assistant some money so that they could buy the hats from the woman beggars.

After another heated and extended conversation, the women finally acceded to sell their hats to their pursuers. So, hats in hand, the group got back to their cars and proceeded on their way.

Rumor has it that the price that the Congressman paid for the used hats was more than twice the price of new straw hats, but still the Congressman thought it money well spent. Rumor has it further that the Congressman would have been willing to pay more, just so the beggar-women would sell the hats.

Those in the convoy laughed themselves hoarse talking about the spectacle of aging Igorot women being pursued by burly Igorot men in the streets of Quezon City. It was even more hilarious since the women, and most of the pursuing men, were ignorant of the reasons for the chase. It was a funny moment, but all agreed that it was worth it, and the Congressman was justified in purchasing the precious hats at such an extravagant cost.

What made the hats so special?

Painted in bright red on the wide brim were the words “GAWIS AY MOUNTAIN PROVINCE.”

It is arguably the coldest time of the year in the Northern hemisphere, though I have not been in other countries during the closing days of January and the beginning of February. If this statement is contradicted by the more traveled of my readers, then I will content myself with arguing that it is the coldest time of the year in Sagada.

Temperatures in that place have always been relatively colder than the surrounding places, owing to its higher altitude than, say, Bontoc. Besao is lower, too, and its temperatures are somewhat tempered by the air from the China Sea, for Besao is on the slopes of the mountains facing the sea.

Sagada, however, is some hundreds of meters above Bontoc, and it is sheltered in a valley of sorts between mountains, and thus the air from the China Sea does not aid in regulating its temperature. Even in Bontoc and Besao, the people regularly complain of the cold at this time of year, though people from these places would agree that indeed Sagada is consistently colder than their hometowns. Perhaps the only colder places in the vicinity are the Bauko villages of Bangnin and Balintuogan, which are located higher than Sagada.

It is coincidental that the feast day of the Anglican Church in Sagada is during this time. Because the church had greater power than government in American colonial times, its celebration of its feast day naturally became a community activity, accompanied by games and general festivities.

In earlier times, other parishes were invited to participate in the activities. Anglican church schools were also invited to the games, to compete with Sagada’s St. Mary’s School.

And so it became a tradition that during the coldest time of year people flock to Sagada to attend its fiesta. The municipal government later on made the occasion its town fiesta, and with the establishment of the many public schools in the municipality and neighboring municipalities, the fiesta became an even bigger occasion with more people participating. Later on, government offices and other local government units as well as private organizations would also want to participate in the games.

As the congregation of people became regular, enterprising vendors would also congregate in the town, so that during the fiesta there is scant space not filled with wares being sold. Such wares include every imaginable article, from cooking pots to clothing, from toys to vegetables, from dried fish to plastic ware. It became a habit of Sagada’s people to wait for the fiesta to buy new clothes and shoes, or bolos and pots, as well as tools like shovels, forks, and hammers.

The games during the occasion have been varied, from the ubiquitous softball, basketball and volleyball, to tug-of-war, breaking the pot, races, and indoor games. It is also undeniable that these more wholesome games are accompanied by the not-so-wholesome, for it is a public secret that for several decades already, the fiesta in Sagada is also the time when gamblers from all over get together to play Monte. There have been stories of gambling patrons losing the money they should have used to buy a new pair of pants, or a new hoe.

Even the youngsters are drawn into gambling, for it is not uncommon that during the fiesta some kids would find a secluded place in Sagada’s valleys and ridges where they imitate their elders by gambling away their lunch money.

Yet the fiesta in Sagada still holds a special allure, for people of all kinds congregate there during this time, whether to watch the ballgames, participate in the more boisterous tug-of-war, compete for prices in the races, or to chance winning in Monte. Earlier generations also took every opportunity to go home to Sagada during the fiesta, for it is also a time to meet old friends and peers.

Going home during the fiesta became so much of a tradition that not attending it was almost a sacrilege.

And so those who could not go would wait for news and stories as to what happens during the fiesta, and somehow share in the jubilation, however whimsically.

As this item comes out, the fiesta in Sagada would be in full blast, and the people actually there would once again be jubilant in their celebrations.

As for the rest of us, our not being there would be magnified by the cold, and the cold weather would be emphasized by our not being there.


Once there was a teacher named Henry, who was once stationed at Kin-iway, Besao, some 8 kilometers away from his home in Sagada. Henry had a small 90cc Honda motorcycle that he used to go to Kin-iway and to go back home.

Like many other males in his profession, and like many males who worked in offices in the early 1970s, Henry had a particular liking for alcoholic drinks, whether it be the home-brewed tapey or basi, or the store-bought Ginebra San Miguel or Tanduay rhum, or any other brand that intoxicates.

As it was, the different male office workers in Kin-iway got together almost daily to partake of whatever drink was available, and to nibble whatever pulutan (finger foods that Filipinos eat while drinking) they could cook or purchase. It thus happened that Henry often had to go home in the evening, probably after the last drop of liquor was drunk.

Because he also hailed from Besao, he sometimes chose to stay the night there, probably when he judged himself too drunk to drive. Sometimes he judged wrong.

The mixture of liquor and motorcycles was proven many times to be a potent and dangerous mix, for Henry figured in several accidents going home to Sagada after indulging in spirits. Several times he drove his motorbike off the road, and it is surprising that he survived these ordeals with only the scars on his legs, and the worry of his family and friends who had to go look for him whenever he failed to arrive home.

One time, Henry’s friends in Kin-iway dared him to take his bike to Sagada in under 10 minutes. They wagered a bottle of gin that he could not do it. He took the dare, though he was already quite intoxicated (perhaps he took the dare because he was). Using the primitive phone system that was in operation then, the police in Kin-iway informed their counterparts in Sagada that Henry would be going there, and that the Sagada police should confirm the time of his arrival and so determine who won the bet.

Henry took 17 minutes to go to Sagada and back to Kin-iway. His friends made good their bet, and they proceeded in their merry alcoholic indulgence, the policemen included.

Now the feat of biking 16 kilometers in 17 minutes may seem unremarkable to some, but for those who know the conditions of the road at that time, it was suicidal, specially since Henry was in his normal drunken state.

Perhaps indulging in alcoholic spirits tends to boost the spirits of drinkers, and indeed foolhardy decisions are regular fare for drinkers. But Henry had another experience where he came into contact with spirits of the supernatural kind as well.

Whenever his motorbike was unavailable (often after it fell off the road), Henry relied on his friend John every once in a while to fetch him from Kin-iway and bring him home to Sagada. John was among the very few who had motor vehicles then, and he drove a Willys jeep. John himself was not averse to drinking, joining the other spirited Igorots as they paid homage to Bacchus.

This he did one time when he fetched Henry; they first shared with other spirit-guzzling males in Kin-iway several bottles of firewater.

It was close to midnight when they finally started for home.

There is a watering hole between Kin-iway and Sagada called “Inuman” (literally, “drinking place”). As they were at Inuman, Henry saw somebody in the middle of the road ahead of them, waving like he wanted a ride. Henry was wondering why John was not slowing down, and in fact was heading directly towards the person in the middle of the road. Henry yelled for John to stop, that they will run over the person, but John said that there was nobody there, and continued on, and in Henry’s eyes the jeep run over the person.

He again yelled for John to stop, and when the jeep stopped, Henry told John that they run over somebody. So they went back in the pitch darkness with flashlights looking for whoever it was they run over. There was no sign of anybody at all. They checked the jeep, looking for signs of the accident, checked under it looking for the victim, but could not find anything.

They finally agreed that it was a waking nightmare, and proceeded on to Sagada. After several minutes, they both noticed that they were back at the same bend of the road at Inuman, like they somehow drove around in a circle (an impossibility).

Again, Henry saw the same human figure in the middle of the road waving them to stop. When he told John about it, John said he does not see anybody ahead of them, going on as before and seemingly running over the person again.

For the second time they stopped and looked for the “victim,” and not finding any sign. They realized at this moment that perhaps the spirits were fooling with them. Something definitely was out of place, since they had to go past Inuman two times, apart from Henry’s vision of somebody on the road.

In the vernacular, “nabanig da“, or the spirits kept them in the place, though they had the illusion of movement. Such phenomena was not uncommon at the time, though most of those who experienced it were walking and not riding.

The people of Sagada and Besao are not unfamiliar with spirits and the tricks they play on the the beings of this world. John and Henry decided to sit down and get their wits back, and as was customary, lighted cigarettes and offered the spirits the tobacco while imploring them to leave them be.

After some minutes, they got back on the jeep and went to Sagada without any other incident. The experience might have cleared their heads of the effect of alcohol, but they were silent and somber all the same, contemplating what they went through.

Such unusual occurrences are normally talked about, and the seers and mediums at the time were consulted, though the exact significance of the occurrence in Inuman was not ascertained immediately after.

It was one year to the day of the Inuman incident that John died. The seers then said that what happened at Inuman was an omen, John’s spirit prematurely bidding goodbye to Henry.


Young Igorot children in Baguio City dressed in Filipiniana. They speak in several languages.

Long considered the epitome of culture, languages reflect how people live, how they think, how they dress, how they work, their belief systems, what they eat, and the whole gamut of existence. In earlier times when our communities were more or less isolated even from our neighbors, either by geography and topography or by ethnocentric bias, our languages also developed differently.

A difference of a few kilometers between villages resulted in variations of the language, with different enunciation and pronunciation, different contextual use of terms, or the use of entirely different terms for the same idea.

In Kalinga, people of neighboring villages do not even understand each other’s language, a testament to the extent of isolation of their villages from each other.

Bugnay, Tinglayan, Kalinga. This is the home village of Macliing Dulag, Cordillera martyr. People of this village belong to the Butbut tribe, but they have trouble communicating with the neighboring Basao tribe in their original language, thus communication is done in Ilocano.

The variations of language in history and in present times, and the misunderstandings or lack of communication that result, are often the subject of our jokes and puns, and not in a few instances when have these also resulted in conflicts between individuals or entire villages.

In a sense, our languages or dialects served their purpose, for we were able to communicate with the people we interacted most with, our families and the village of our birth. There was no pressing need to learn other languages, because the villages were relatively self-sufficient (even if merely subsistent), and thus interaction with other villages was limited. Further, these small villages had their biases and fears of their neighbors, further restricting interaction.

The isolation of our villages eventually loosened. We began to interact with people other than those of our village. The traditional biases we held against our neighbors were relieved by the intermarriages we had with them. People strove to develop common terms for use in our communication with others. We varied our enunciation and pronunciation in order that we would be understood by other communities.

Neighboring villages normally did not have much difficulty in communicating with each other, with minimal adjustments in the dialect. However, the farther away one goes away from his village, communication became a bigger problem. True, it was not impossible to communicate, but it was not easy.

This development in our languages became necessary specially as our people began to congregate in population centers, whether it be in the cities, the mining boom towns, or provincial capitals. As we interacted with people from faraway villages, it became necessary to find a common language that could bridge the chasm of communication.

The people of the Cordilleras thus adopted the Ilocano language. While initially Ilocano was a language as alien as any other, it assumed character as a regional language. The extent of this adoption is best exemplified by the Kalinga villages mentioned earlier. They could not understand each other in their dialects, but they could arrive at an understanding using Ilocano.

Our becoming Ilocano speakers was by no means sudden, and many an old folk left this world not understanding the language. Even at this time, there are people from our villages who have difficulty with it, liberally spicing their discourse with terms unique to their native language. Yet there is no question that with some knowledge of Ilocano, they could get themselves understood.

As our horizons expanded, we eventually learned to speak other languages, like Tagalog (or, as it is now officially known, Filipino). We also learned English, long the language used in our schools.

Correctly or not, we generally considered our proficiency in English as superior to that of other Filipinos, even. Of course we also observed that this “advantage” has somehow been diluted, with latter generations suffering from the perceived national “decline of education.”

Schoolchildren at Easter College in Baguio City participate in the celebration of the Philippines' "Linggo ng Wika," showcasing the national language, Filipino.

At present, most of our people speak several languages: our native dialect, Ilocano, Tagalog, and English. With varying degrees of fluency, of course, but conversant enough. Our exposure to these different languages results in a hybrid language, where terms from our many tongues often get mixed up in everyday conversation. Communication-wise, it is no problem, for we understand each other quite easily. However, we tend to confuse the syntax of one language for another, or make literal translations that mangle grammar and language rules.

As we continue to use the hybrid language, our children could no longer distinguish from whence the different terms come. What we pass on to them is a language that is effective for communication, but at the same time it is a language that is neither English, Tagalog, Ilocano, or our native dialect.

This hybrid language is the native language of our children.

We, the earlier generations, could readily distinguish which of the terms we are using came from what language, and if necessary, we could revert to an unadulterated discourse solely in our native dialect. We could also speak in Ilocano without the smattering of un-Ilocano terms. And we could speak in relatively fluent English as well. In this sense, we are truly multilingual, for we do speak in several languages.

Alas for our kids, for the language they speak is neither this nor that.

pulutanI was seven years old when I got to name my first dog, taken from the litter of the family’s pet bitch. It was a cuddly brown puppy, and the both of us took an immediate liking for each other.

I named him Buster, for that was the name of a dog in one ofthe many books brought to Sagada by the Americans. When the pup was weaned byits mother, it developed the habit of following me around wherever I go.

It followed me to school, and though he was not allowed to enter the classroom, it waited for me patiently outside until it was time to go home. Being small, Buster had to find ways of escaping the wrath of bigger dogs protecting their territories on the way from our house to school. Occasionally,he was the recipient of bites, or had to run home ahead with his tail between his legs. Despite the obvious trouble Buster had in his determination to be with me at all times, he persisted in following me.

Later on, as the pup grew and learned to fight back other dogs, he had less and less trouble, although older dogs who had more grit and experience regularly gave him lessons not to intrude into the territories they have marked with their urine.

This was at a time however when dogs were hardly considered pets, at least not in the western sense. Dogs were raised with the promise that they would help in hunting, and to consume food scraps so these will not go towaste. Dogs were also raised as guard dogs to warn their masters of intruders or other threats, whether it be in the village or out in the fields or forests. Exceptionally good hunting dogs, guard dogs, or those bitches that took good care of their litters invariably were allowed to live long, for they performed well on what was expected of them.

Eventually, however, every dog at that time had to perform a final function – as meat.

For a reason my selective memory refuses to recall, Buster had to be killed for meat. I cried when he was slain, and did not partake of the feast.

In earlier times, meat was hard to come by, for the cattle,swine and poultry varieties raised then took a long time to grow to a consumable size. Pigs for instance took several years of feeding on human waste and greens before they were butchered. Chicken also normally took more than a year before they were eaten.

Because of this, most meat to be had came from the many ritual offerings in the village. It was uncommon for anybody to just slay an animal because it has matured. There has to be a spiritual or cultural reason before animals are butchered. Thus mature animals are “lent” to other membersof the community who need them for a ceremony or ritual. When their own animals are mature, they could then “return” these to the lenders.

Dogs were also used for ritual purposes, specially during cleansing rituals and as offerings during wakes for some community members. Dog meat was even prized as a delicacy, not only because of its unique taste, but also because it was much less frequently available.

Considering that it was also a time when there were not that many protein food sources in our subsistence communities, the practice of raising dogs for meat was not only necessary, but practical. This is the same reason why other animals were hunted – birds, civet cats, lizards, and even rats. We also ate beetle larvae, termites, ants and ant eggs, beetles, snakes, frogs, snails, and a lot of other things besides.

Our diet, although culturally appropriate and an economic and nutritional necessity, must have been offensive to people of other cultures, who have different sensibilities.

Such sensibilities were eventually adopted by many Filipinos, including the revulsion against eating dog meat. So much so that a law was passed outlawing the trafficking and marketing of dogs for meat.

Our defense for our persistence in treating dog meat as a delicacy is cultural, and we go back to the ritual significance of canines in our culture. Even without the ritual significance, our culture allows it, and we are not overly concerned about others’ sensibilities.

Other cultures in the sea of humanity have their own delicacies, their own dietary preparations that offend some other people. Eating dog meat, beetles, snakes, frogs, beetle larvae, termites, ants and almost everything that moves just happens to be our own peculiar indulgence.

Animal rights activists will have their say, but that is just the way it is. Until there are enough of us who severe their ties from our erstwhile culture, and adapt the sensibilities of the West, the practice of eating dog meat will stay.


Wada san ason da Payko, ay kanan di ipogaw ay innudi na.Wada tupay mangwani ay naet-eteng nu si Payko san aso. Egay iman napalpalti,ulay nu kumakalni nan sagsagugong da, ulay nu kumakalni da Payko ken Patlik ay iyun-a na. Dakkel pay met dapay mentaba, et gawis kuma is mapulutan tay adu nan pakanena dapay adu nan sammigel ay kasapulan ay mang-unog.

Waay wada di nangpadpadas ay mang-guyod ta enda paltien,ngem palalo gedan ay makedse san aso et egay nadnadpap. Kaykayat din alitao ayJames Sr. san aso ay deey, isunga egay na palpalubusan ay mapalti san aso na.

Is kaet-eteng san aso et maid et teken ay aso is mangsape. Nu wada manguno is aso id Sagada et menlisi am-in nan aso nu dumateng san innudin Payko. Ulay mendakdakiwas san aso isnan kalsa wenno daan et maid mang-gunggong is teken ay aso.

Naeteng et san aso, naekdag am-in nan bab-a na, nakuwap e tadi makaila. Enggana natey is old age. Adik ammo nu din alitao mismo nan nangikaob, wenno nin-ayag is ungung-a ay mangikkan.

Syadi san tiempo ay daet wada nan damag ay wada kano mapulutan ay ipapulutan Patlik. Inmey da gayam kinauban san aso et inangno da ta maisda. Adi pay dadaet isaang dadapay pabalaen nan alak et uminom da.

Malpas pay nan duwa ay olas et ilaen da san ut-utuen da. Daan pay laeng ay menkenteg; san sabaw na et daan pay laeng ay nalin-eng ay maid mantika is binmala. Isunga dadaet men-ala is tapin di alak is inumen da ta mangsedsed-an da is matanekan san kalni. Men-gasing din Aman Diaw ay maninda tay maamin san lako na ay sammigel. Ulay samet san na-ha-hapset et linako da. Naseyep et san men-ut-uto is buteng da, binmangon da ay naha-hang over, dapay egay natanek san aso.

Naamin et nan isunod da et inmey da kasin nangmong is maignet. Sinlabiyan ya sulok ay inuto da ngem adi kayet magag-a. Nan sabaw na et egay linmaman.

Wada san kanaen da pay en yinmam-es san kandilo dapay egay yinmam-es san maut-uto.

Toan nu inisda da kayman di. Kanega malagip ko ay nauma da ay sumaksakdo is isibo da ya mangmangmong is isunod da, dapay maid et ilako da is alak, isunga dadaet iwasit san kalnin di aso ay natey is kinaeteng na.

Ayta aya di ukkong.


Working with the people of Bakun to come up with a document such as this has been a rewarding experience, though at times one would feel insignificant amid the magnitude of what should be included in an ADSDPP.

The end-product leaves much to be desired, that’s for sure, but to keep adding to it and refining it is much like going to the end of the horizon.  No matter how far you go, the end just recedes to the distance.

This ADSDPP is a continuation of what was begun, and just a transition as the people of Bakun, and those that assist them, explore their horizon.

The material written was mostly taken from numerous workshops with community people.  Their sharing was the basis of most statements in this ADSDPP, though there were some we lifted from documents (and footnoted as such).  The wealth of information that the participants in the workshop have shared have not all been included, and we apologize for that.

We also note that while the material is from workshop participants, it is entirely possible that they have gathered their knowledge from other sources that might be missed in the footnotes.  Should this have happened, we hope to convey that it was not the intention at all.  Certainly, future editions of this document must acknowledge sources that we have missed in this one.

Nevertheless, we hope that the material as written is appreciated as the Bakun people’s output, and the editor hopes that the way it is written is coherent, relevant and informative.

Gary A. Pekas

March 2004


The link to the file:

Bakun, Benguet Indigenous People’s History, Knowledge Systems, Culture, Problems, Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development and Protection Plan

Table of contents may be seen below.

A. Early Settlers 1
1. The Myth of the Tellay 2
2. Succeeding Settlers 3
B. Origins of Names of Places 4
C. Our Early History 5
D. 1930s 5
E. World War II 10
F. 1940s and 1950s 11
G. 1960s 14
H. 1970s 18
I. 1980s 20
J. 1990s to 2003 22
1. Types of Traditional Houses of the Kankanaey-Bago People 25
a. Kinaong 26
b. Inalteb or kinlingan 26
c. Allaw 26
d. Apa 27
e. Binangian 27
f. Agamang 27
2. Traditional Rituals Associated with Building Construction 27
a. Boton 28
b. Petad 28
c. Saad 28
d. Leting 28
e. Padang 29
f. Seg – ak 29
g. Segep 29
h. Lawit 29
i. Allad 30
3. Current Practices 30
1. Belief Systems Associated With Forests 31
2. Management Systems 32
a. Communal Ownership of the Forests 33
b. The Muyong and its Uses 33
i. Watershed 34
ii. Fuel Source 34
iii. Source of Timber and Other Building Materials 36
iv. Medicine 36
v. Nutrition 36
vi. Grazing Areas 37
vii. Animal and Bird Sanctuary 37
c. Bebe-an 37
d. Watershed or Tong-og 37
e. Swidden Farming 38
f. Bine – as 40
g. Hunting Ground or Paganupan. 40
h. Practices of Catching Game. 40
3. Other Protection Mechanisms of Forests and Watersheds 41
C. LAND use, OWNERSHIP and management 42
1. Concept of Common Property and Worldviews on Land 42
2. Rice Farming 43
3. Soil Conservation and Erosion Control 44
1. Belief Systems Associated with Water Systems 45
2. Irrigation systems as Communal Property 45
3. Rituals to Ward off pests and destruction 46
1. Belief Systems Associated with Minerals 46
2. Mining Practices 47
3. Ownership and Sharing of Benefits 48
4. Taboos 49
5. Mine Management 49
6. Hand tools Used in Placer Mining 49
A. The People 53
1. Clothing 54
2. Social Organization 55
a. Dispersed Settlements, the pulok 55
3. Religion 56
4. Gender Roles, the youth. 60
5. Bakun Organizations and Institutions 61
B. Decision Making and Justice System 65
1. Demography 67
2. Education 72
3. Health 75
1. Traditional Agriculture 78
2. Commercial Farming 82
3. Market Information 90
4. Small-scale mining 91
5. Other Sources of Livelihood 91
6. Income 92
7. Credit Facilities 92
8. Employment and Unemployment 93
1. Location 94
2. Access 94
3. Topography 95
4. Resources within the Domain 104
a. Forests and Watersheds 104
b. Timber Species 105
c. Floral Undergrowth 107
d. Medicinal Plants in the Domain 108
e. Animal Species 110
f. Avian Species 111
5. Actual Land Use 112
6. Water Resources 115
a. River Systems 115
b. Aquatic Species in the Domain 116
IV. Development Needs 117
A. Environmental Problems 117
1. Forest Denudation 117
a. Indiscriminate Cutting of Trees 117
i. Lumber for Sale 118
ii. Need to Strengthen Traditional Values 118
iii. Need to Provide Sources of Livelihood 119
b. Expansion of Vegetable Farms 119
i. Limited Agricultural Lands 119
ii. Need to Provide Sources of Livelihood 120
c. Forest Fires 120
d. Effects of Forest Denudation 120
i. Soil Erosion 121
ii. Lack of Water 121
iii. Diminishing Habitat 121
2. Unsafe Fishing Practices 121
3. Improper Disposal of Mine Waste 122
4. Lack of Waste Disposal System 122
5. Lack of Policies on Environmental Protection 123
6. Lack of Participation in Development Planning 124
7. Lack of Land Use Plan 124
B. Problems Affecting Self-Reliance and sustainability 125
1. Lack of Employment and Livelihood Opportunities 126
2. Dependence on Cash Crops 126
3. Erosion of Positive Traditional Values and Community Mutual Help Systems 127
4. Misinterpretation of Christian Values 127
5. The Bias of the Educational System 128
6. Economic Individualism 129
C. Problems Affecting Economic Development 130
1. Lack of Employment and Livelihood Opportunities 130
2. Other Problems 131
a. Incidence of Social Ills 131
A. Vision 133
B. Mission 133
C. Goals and Objectives 133
1. On the Environment 133
2. On Self-Reliance and Sustainability 134
3. On the Economy 134
4. On Social Ills 135
D. Strategies 135
1. Information and Education Campaigns 135
2. Empowerment 135
3. Fund Sourcing 136
4. ADSDPP, Program and Project Time Frames 136
5. Organization 136
6. Revisions of the ADSDPP 136
7. Policy Statements 137
a. Sharing of Responsibilities and Benefits 137
b. Resource Management Principles 138
c. Ancestral Domain Management Concept 142
d. Communal Forests and Watersheds as Protected Zones 142
e. Policies On Cultural Landmarks, Scenic Places And Special Use Areas 143
f. Mineral Resource Development Policies 144
g. Policies on Water Resources 145
h. Policies on Research and Documentation in the Domain 146
i. Intellectual Property Rights 147
j. Institutional Development 149
1. Environment and Natural Resources Program 151
a. Statement of the Problem 151
b. Reforestation Project 151
i. Objective. 151
ii. Project  Activities 151
c. Bantay Saguday Project 153
i. Objective 153
ii. Project Activities 154
d. Natural Forests Management Project 154
i. Project Description 154
ii. Objective 155
iii. Activities 155
e. Muyong Forest Management Project 156
i. Project Description 156
ii. Objective 157
iii. Activities 157
f. Habitat Management Project 158
i. Project Description 158
ii. Objective 159
iii. Activities 159
2. Land Tenure Program 159
a. Project Description 159
b. Objectives 160
c. Activities 160
3. Economic Development Program 160
a. Program Description 160
b. Statement of the Problem 161
c. Program Objectives 161
d. Program Strategies 162
i. Facilitation of Information, Education and Training Activities 162
ii. Encouragement of Entrepreneurship and Local Investment 163
e. Skills and Operations Training Project 164
i. Project Description 164
ii. Activities 164
f. Commercial Crop Diversification and Technology Enhancement Project 167
i. Project Description 167
ii. Objectives 168
iii. Activities 169
g. Nem-a Enhancement Project 172
i. Project Description 172
ii. Objectives 172
iii. Activities 173
h. Coffee Marketing Project 173
i. Project Description 173
ii. Objectives 174
iii. Activities 174
4. Socio-Cultural Program 175
a. Program Description and Statement of the Problem 175
b. Program Objectives 176
c. Program Activities 176
d. Functional Literacy Project 176
i. Project Description and Statement of the Problem 176
ii. Objective 176
iii. Activities 177
e. Promotion of Culture Project 178
i. Project Description and Statement of the Problem 178
ii. Objective 178
iii. Activities. 178
f. Reduction of Social Ills Project 180
i. Project Description and Statement of the Problem 180
ii. Objective 180
iii. Activities. 180
5. Research and Documentation Program 181
a. Project Description and Statement of the Problem 181
i. Objective 181
ii. Activities. 181
6. Advocacy Program 182
a. Program Description and Statement of the Problem 182
b. Objectives 183
c. Activities 183

Indigenous Peoples of Mankayan, Benguet

to read, click on the link above.

This e-book contains the history of the people, their customs, culture, indigenous knowledge systems, and how they see their situation. While a lot of details may be lacking, this e-book should serve as a nice read for those interested in Mankayan, Benguet, and its people.

This is a result of discussions with the indigenous people of Mankayan, who wanted the story written from their point of view. I am exceedingly honored to write it in their behalf.

The e-book may be used as reference, with the request that proper citations be made when necessary. The PDF file is encrypted, but the file may be opened and perused freely. However, copying the text using the normal cut and paste method is not allowed by the file.

While it is being shared in the internet, the information contained was not easy to come by, so please thank the people of Mankayan and the author for the effort.

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